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  • 1. "The Revenge of Pearl Harbor by the 942 Americans who bombed Tokyo" txt download and read the full text online Baidu Netdisk Cloud Resources
  • 2. What are the biographies of Columbus?
  • 3. The impact of the Monroe Doctrine on international relations
  • 4. The time when Columbus discovered the New World in North America

"The Revenge of Pearl Harbor by 942 Americans who bombed Tokyo" txt download and read the full text online Baidu Netdisk Cloud Resources


"Bombing Tokyo" (James M. Scott) e-book network disk download free online reading


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Extraction code: e6c5

Book Title: Bombing Tokyo


Author: James M. Scott


Translator: Yin Fan


Douban score: 8.5


Publisher: Democracy and Construction Press


Publication year: 2016-8-26


Number of pages: 480


brief introduction:


This book is a thrilling account of America's famous and controversial military action: the Doolittle Raid.


In December 1941, as the U.S. military was still counting the dead at Pearl Harbor, U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt and his top military advisers gathered together to formulate an ambitious counterattack plan - to bomb the heart of the Japanese Empire: Tokyo. Four months later, on April 18, 1942, 16 US bombers took off from the deck of the USS Hornet. Under the command of the brave captain Jimmy Doolittle, they flew one-way to the Japanese mainland to bomb enemy factories and oil refineries. factories and shipyards, and then fled to non-Japanese-occupied areas of China. For Roosevelt, the raid was an inspiring piece of victory propaganda, a powerful balm that healed a wounded nation.


This book brings together many never-before-published materials from archives on four continents around the world, plus new interviews with survivors. "Bombing Tokyo" tells this period of World War II history from a commanding height: a tragic adventure story, and it also re-examines this bold military operation in American history, which is of great significance.


About the Author:


James M. Scott is a former Nieman Fellow at Harvard University and the author of The War Below and Assault on Freedom. Received the Rear Admiral Samuel Eliot Morrison Award. Currently lives in Charleston, South Carolina.


Samuel Eliot Morrison, "The Revenge of Pearl Harbor by the 942 Americans who bombed Tokyo" txt download and read the full text online... Figure 1


What are the biographies of Columbus?


"The Biography of Columbus"
Author   Author: [American] Seth E. Morrison, translated by Chen Taixian and others
Publisher: The Commercial Press
Publication time: 1998-9-1
Edition   times: 1 page   number: 920 words   number: 705000 Printing time: 1998-9-1 Opening   volume: paper   sheets: Offset paper Printing   times: I S B N: 9787100013796 Package   Packing: Paperback Columbus crossed the Atlantic Ocean four times on a sailing ship and pioneered the great cause of "discovering" America. He became a well-known navigator, explorer and discoverer in the history of the world.
All modern history of the world and the history of various countries in the Americas talk about Columbus. Many famous historians pointed out: “The entire history of North and South America began with his four voyages to the west. "
Many countries in the Americas still designate October 12th as "Columbus Day" every year (the United States has changed this day to the second Monday in October every year since 1971), and people take this day off to commemorate He first landed in San Salvador. In 1982, 36 countries in the United Nations jointly proposed to hold a grand worldwide commemoration ceremony on October 12, 1992 for the 500th anniversary of Columbus's discovery of America (1492--1992).
What kind of person was Columbus? How did he establish great achievements and become a world celebrity that lasted for hundreds of years? 7 You must read his biography.
Columbus biographies have been published in almost every language in the world, in large and growing numbers.
The "Life of Columbus" presented to readers (originally known as "The Life of Columbus, Commander of the Seas") is introduced by the British Encyclopedia as 2. One of the best English-language biographies published in this century. Its author is Samuel Elliot Morrison, a history professor at Harvard University in the United States and Oxford University in the United Kingdom, a famous essayist, and Navy Rear Admiral.
Morrison has been devotedly studying the life of Columbus and his voyages of exploration for more than 20 years. He himself said that he had a sneak preview of all publications on this issue. He concluded from his extensive reading that a biography of Columbus needed to be written by a sailor and biographer. Author's Preface
Commonly used abbreviations in notes
Ships and Navigation
The First Forty Years
Chapter 1 The Wedge
Chapter 2 Genoa
Chapter 3 Happy Sea Navigation
Chapter 4 Lusitania
Chapter 5 Columbus the Person
Chapter 6 Indian Cause
Chapter 7 In Castile
Chapter 8 The Queen Agreed
Chapter 9 "Nenia", "Pinta" and "Santa Maria"
Chapter 10 Staff and Sailors
Chapter 11 Setting sail
Chapter 12 A Day at Sea
Chapter 13: How Columbus soared
Chapter 14: Crossing the Atlantic
Chapter 15: Forward! go ahead!
Chapter 16 First Login
Chapter 17 Searching for Japan
Chapter 18 Searching for the Great Khan
Chapter 19 Oriente
Chapter 20 Hispanio La Island
Chapter 21 That Christmas
Chapter 22 Return
Chapter 23 The Painful Struggle on the Sea of ​​Azores
Chapter 24 Under the Control of the Portuguese Chinese
......
Triumph
Second Voyage to America
Third Voyage to America
Fourth Voyage to America
Illustration Catalog


Samuel Eliot Morrison, "The Revenge of Pearl Harbor by the 942 Americans who bombed Tokyo" txt download and read the full text online...Picture 2


The impact of the Monroe Doctrine on international relations


  The International Strategic Enlightenment of the Monroe Doctrine
   [Abstract] As soon as the Monroe Declaration was published, it caused widespread controversy at the time. For more than 100 years, various parties have been arguing about the Monroe Doctrine, praising and criticizing it. Not the same. In subsequent history, the Monroe Doctrine became an important foundation for American diplomacy. At that time, the international environment in the Americas and the weak strength of the United States made U.S. diplomatic decision-makers face severe challenges when dealing with the issue of Latin American independence. The Monroe Doctrine declared in peaceful language that the United States would begin to play an independent role on the international stage as a great power. It had a profound impact on national strategy. The revelation is thought-provoking.
  This year marks the 180th anniversary of the Monroe Declaration. This important document in the history of American diplomacy has been subject to widespread controversy since the day it was published. Only among European countries at the time, there were huge differences in their evaluations of it. Advocates such as France's Lafayette evaluated the Monroe Doctrine as "the only most outstanding text that God allowed mankind to give to the world"; [1] Detractors such as Metternich called it "an evil doctrine and a dangerous example." [2] Political and academic circles at home and abroad have always had divergent opinions on it, with mixed praise and criticism. This article does not intend to make a positive or negative evaluation of the Monroe Doctrine, but under the conditions of weak U.S. national power and complex international environment in the Americas at that time, the U.S. foreign policymakers made a courageous decision by publicly announcing the Monroe Doctrine to the world. , far-sighted decision-making. "It is a capstone to the laudable structure of American foreign policy built out of half a century of independent dealings with foreign countries. "[3]"Establish a universal norm for U.S. foreign policy and firmly root it in the national consciousness." [4] The Monroe Doctrine did not have a direct effect for a long time after its publication, but as later historians commented, "The reason why the Monroe Doctrine is important is not what it did, but the way it developed." result". [5] The U.S. policy towards Latin America has always been based on this principle. As recently as 1960, when the Soviet Union began to penetrate into Cuba, it was also invoked. From the perspective of national strategy, the Monroe Doctrine laid the foundation for the rising United States in diplomacy, and its strategic significance is thought-provoking.
  1. The international environment and American strength in the Americas during the Monroe period
  The issuance of the Monroe Declaration originated from the independence movement of the Spanish colonies in the Americas, and Latin American countries revolted in Spain. At that time, the independence movement began and achieved major victories. The United States was the first in the world to recognize the independence of Latin American countries. Faced with the Holy Alliance's threat to intervene, British Foreign Secretary Canning proposed to the United States that the two countries issue a joint statement opposing the restoration of colonization in Latin America and advocating recognition of Latin American independence. After intense debate, U.S. foreign policymakers decided to put aside Canning's suggestions and independently explain the U.S. position. It was released in the form of a State of the Union address by then U.S. President Monroe on December 2, 1823. It was the Monroe Doctrine. The origin of.
  The geographical scope of the Monroe Doctrine was in Latin America. The major powers involved were Spain, Britain, Russia and France. Spain was the suzerain of the newly independent countries in Latin America and strongly advocated the suppression of Latin American independence movements; Russia He was the leader of the Holy Alliance, owning Alaska in the Americas and trying to expand into Central America; France had close economic ties with Latin America and actively advocated intervention in Latin American affairs; Britain was the most powerful country at the time and the largest trading partner of newly independent countries in Latin America. , although Britain was willing to see the independence of Spanish colonies in Latin America, it was suspicious of each other and the United States and tried to curb the expansion of American power. It can be said that the United States is facing a dangerous international environment.
  The Monroe Declaration was issued in the 47th year after the independence of the United States. In terms of the country’s comprehensive strength, the United States during the Monroe period was not a powerful country. It could even be compared with these involved powers. It is said to be a weak country. Economically, the U.S. manufacturing industry is only about one-fifth that of the United Kingdom, less than half that of Russia and France, and lower than Spain, accounting for about 2% of the world's total manufacturing output. [6] The Monroe era was an era of naked power politics. Today, some widely accepted principles of international law and international norms, such as restrictions on the right to war, are far from being accepted. The most important means for countries to safeguard national interests and strive for international status is war. , the most important tool is the army. During the Monroe period, the U.S. military was quite weak. In 1819, before the Monroe Declaration was issued, the United States encountered an economic crisis, and some plans to expand its military strength were postponed or canceled. In 1821, the U.S. Congress legislated to reduce the size of the Army to 6,183 personnel.[7] Although the Navy adopted a long-term construction plan in 1819, the military expansion plan was also delayed and compressed. In 1823, the U.S. Navy's strength was only 1/4 of France's, and Russia's 1/8, the gap with the UK is even greater. [8] Compared with the huge armies of hundreds of thousands of related powers, it is almost negligible. The Holy Alliance threatened to suppress the Latin American independence movement. At that time, only the United States recognized Latin American independence in the international community. What kind of policy it would adopt on the issue of Latin American independence would be an important test for the young United States.
  2. Two strategic options
  The first thing for the rise of a big country is sufficient strength. Strong strength is the basis for becoming a big country, but a big country will eventually be Recognition by the international community as a major country is not just a matter of its own strength. On its way to becoming a great power, it will inevitably experience some major tests in its foreign relations. A successful great power can not only withstand the test, but more importantly, it can use these major events to establish a long-lasting diplomatic tradition as a great power. The influence of these traditions has strategic significance, and in turn will effectively promote the growth of strength. The Monroe Doctrine created a tradition of enduring strategic significance for American diplomacy.
  In response to Canning's suggestion, the U.S. foreign policy decision-makers formed two different opinions. President Monroe and former presidents Jefferson and Madison, although they did not trust the British intentions, they still believed that "The United States should gain security by forming an alliance with the only great power that can harm it. This alliance will protect the independence of Latin America. Perhaps this is also the best way to deter the Holy Alliance from supporting Spain. "[9] Secretary of State Adams opposed accepting Canning's suggestion, believing that "it is much more honorable and honorable to declare our principles bluntly to Russia and France than to act as a small boat following British warships."[10] He advocated that the United States should independently express its own opinions.
  According to the national strategic theory, there are five national grand strategies: hegemony, self-help, avoidance, free riding and transcendence. [11] Analyzed from the perspective of national strategy, the two different opinions of U.S. decision-makers can be roughly classified into the "ride-sharing" and "self-help and transcendence" strategies. Monroe and others initially advocated accepting Canning's suggestion and issuing a statement together with Britain, using Britain's power to achieve the purpose of maintaining Latin American independence and gaining American security. As Jefferson said, "With Great Britain together we need not fear the whole world." . [12] When the United States was weak at the time, this was an ideal choice, and it made sense that it could be supported by the majority of the U.S. decision-makers at the time. But this strategy is a conservative and passive choice. For a big country that is full of vitality and wants to make a difference, no major strategic choice can be tolerated. The Monroe Declaration declared a positive choice. It did not echo the British suggestions and expressed its own independent opinions despite the active invitations of the "superpowers" at the time, which reflected the great power of an emerging country. At the same time, it transcended the disputes between the great powers and did not intervene in possible confrontations and conflicts between the great powers. The Monroe Declaration did not target specific countries, did not create enemies for the United States, and catered to the "Pan-Americanism" ideology prevalent in Latin America at the time [13 ] needs, so it was also generally welcomed by Latin American countries at that time.
  The Monroe Doctrine showed to the world that the United States had begun to exert its own influence on the world as an independent big country when the United States was independent for half a century and its national power was still weak. The Monroe Declaration aroused different reactions from the great powers, but the final result was that Britain roguely accepted the Monroe Doctrine, the Holy Alliance suffered a heavy blow, and the United States won a diplomatic victory. Barring other evaluative factors, the Monroe Declaration was a success from a national interest and strategic perspective. In the subsequent history, the Monroe Doctrine shaped the foreign relations of the United States for more than a century in fact and diplomatic style. The future development and strength of the United States are inseparable from the role of the Monroe Doctrine.
  3. The International Strategic Enlightenment of the Monroe Doctrine
   The Monroe Doctrine was issued when the United States was weak. Its promulgation and long-lasting influence had a great influence on the United States at that time. The foresight of the decision-makers, from the perspective of national strategy, has many implications, and its significance has transcended the Monroe Declaration and even international relations itself.
  First of all, the Monroe Doctrine reflects the positive impact of the advanced nature of a country’s social system on foreign policy decision-making.
  Diplomacy is fundamentally a continuation of a country’s internal affairs. The level of diplomacy is, to a large extent, a reflection of domestic political conditions. An advanced political system that can stand the test of time can inspire the people’s vigorous and progressive spirit. Vitality, an advanced domestic political system will provide an appropriate and efficient decision-making system for diplomacy, create a proactive diplomatic style, and be the source of power for positive diplomacy. Moreover, the attraction of advanced systems is itself a huge advantage in diplomacy. It attracts other countries to learn from their own systems and increases mutual trust. Its effects cannot be replaced by material force. On the contrary, a backward political system will restrict the initiative in diplomacy. On the one hand, a backward political system determines the backwardness of the diplomatic decision-making system and the low administrative efficiency; on the other hand, a backward domestic political system often becomes a problem for other countries in diplomacy. As the target of attack, diplomats will devote a lot of energy to explaining the rationality of the system, and strategic decision-making in diplomacy will inevitably be affected. What can be asserted is that a country without institutional attractiveness will be greatly restricted in its ability to exert its strength and will have difficulty growing into a long-lasting great power.
  Ernst R. May once noted, "As far as the Monroe Doctrine is concerned, I conclude that its results are best understood through domestic politics." [14] Adams’s insights were recognized and finally published in the form of the Monroe Declaration, which was the product of the United States’ appropriate foreign policy-making system. The democratic republican system is the most advanced social system of mankind before the birth of the socialist system. At that time, the autocratic monarchy system was in an absolute dominant position in the world. At that time, the shortcomings of the autocratic monarchy system had been fully exposed, and it was already showing decline in Western European countries. In contrast, the vitality and vitality of the democratic republic system in the United States, the political elite and the political elite in the United States Ordinary people have full confidence in the democratic republican system. The isolationist ideology of the United States includes the understanding of the superiority of the democratic republican system and the need to separate the unique system of the United States from the autocratic system of the old continent. The Monroe Declaration also included, after all, an understanding of the superiority of its own political system. The "Two Hemisphere Doctrine" and the "Non-Expansion Principle" in the Monroe Doctrine were proposed based on the fact that the European and American systems are two completely different systems, including the belief that the United States established and the United States hopes to establish new independent countries in the Americas. The democratic republic system established is superior to the autocratic monarchy system of the Old World; the latter refers to the fact that the United States regards the attempts of European powers to extend their backward autocratic and colonial systems to the Americas as a threat to the "peace and security" of the United States, and opposes the Holy Alliance in Latin America To restore the old system, we should not fall back to a backward system when there are advanced systems to choose from. The "non-colonial principle" and the "non-intervention principle" also contain factors that believe that a democratic republican system is superior to an authoritarian colonial system. It cannot be ruled out that the Monroe Declaration issued by U.S. policymakers at that time when the country was at an absolute disadvantage contained elements of full confidence in the democratic republican system. The understanding of the superiority of the political system contributed to positive diplomatic actions, despite the "U.S. role The physical strength required for this role would not exist if further tested." [15] The Monroe Doctrine is generally welcomed in Latin American countries, also because Bolivar, San Martin and others yearned to establish a democratic republic system in Latin America. The yearning for a common system promoted the understanding between Latin America and the United States, and the development of the American political system Superiority translates into diplomatic advantage.
  Secondly, the Monroe Doctrine is the continuation and development of the American political elite’s determination and confidence in building a strong country.
  Whether a country wants to strive for great power status must be decided by itself. When their strength is weak, countries often choose the "riding-in" strategy to accumulate strength for the country's rise. But in order for a country to eventually rise to become a great power, especially an emerging leading country, it must demonstrate a vibrant national mentality before establishing its status as a great power. It must demonstrate a strong desire and confidence in the pursuit of national strength among its citizens, especially among its elites. In terms of diplomatic style, Show a positive attitude. In layman's terms, before an emerging power establishes its status as a great power, it must at least act "like" a great power. On the premise of maintaining harmony with the existing international system, at some critical moments, with the help of some major events, we can clearly express our independent position to the world as a great power, which not only declares to the world the influence that our country should have as a great power, because a A country's success in striving for great power status ultimately depends on the recognition of other countries. It can also establish a long-lasting tradition for its own diplomacy. The continued tradition of great power diplomacy is a strong and continuous driving force for the country. Of course, this does not mean that when the country is not strong enough, it should assume more responsibilities than its strength allows and pursue an international status that cannot be achieved by its strength.
  In his farewell speech, Washington expressed his desire to build "a great nation of freedom and progress" and set for mankind "a noble and novel example of a nation guided by justice and mercy"[16] Thought, building a new and powerful country has been the constant pursuit of successive political elites since the founding of the United States, and the emerging United States is showing signs of vigorous development. After the founding of the United States, the United States has long adhered to isolationist ideas, refrained from intervening in disputes between great powers, and focused on improving its own strength. However, in some major international events, the United States has begun to assume the posture of an emerging power. When dealing with the French issue during the Great Revolution, in 1812 During the American-British War, American diplomacy began to show its own characteristics. With the issuance of the Monroe Declaration, the United States entered the international stage as an emerging power. Adams's opinions were accepted by other American policymakers because of Adams' personal factors. More importantly, Monroe and other policymakers also had the ideal of pursuing a strong country. "It was not Adams who established crucial beliefs through one person's struggle." , but Monroe has formed the idea that the United States should be equal to Britain. "[17] The United States' great power posture is also fully reflected in the Monroe Declaration. "It (Monroe Doctrine) shows that the United States was already a great power in 1823, and this country already enjoyed the respect it has today. "[18] Apart from other factors, the confidence and determination of the U.S. decision-makers in the country played a crucial role in the issuance of the Monroe Declaration. While generally remaining isolationist, U.S. policymakers seized the opportunity at critical moments to win recognition from the great powers and create a legacy that continues. In fact, it was not until the Monroe Declaration that the United States began to be viewed as a great power by the great powers at that time, and its status as a great power was accepted by the great powers. The Monroe Doctrine became "a capstone" of U.S. diplomacy, creating a new U.S. diplomatic tradition that has continued for a long time. In a 1923 New York Times article commemorating the 100th anniversary of the Monroe Doctrine, Mary Baker Elder wrote: "I am a strict believer in the Monroe Doctrine, our Constitution, and the law of God. "[19]
  Finally, emerging powers should lead international relations toward civilization and progress.
  Looking at the development process of the international society, we can see that the international society is constantly moving towards civilization and progress. This trend promotes the continuous progress and civilization of international relations. At the same time, the development of the international community occurs in stages. The international community has specific requirements for the behavior and moral standards of major powers in different historical periods. When existing major powers maintain their status and emerging major powers rise, they must consciously or unconsciously make their behavior and moral standards conform to the requirements of the times and become leaders of the advancement of the international relations system; major powers that cannot adapt to the requirements of the progress of the times will develop in history. In the process, it will eventually be abandoned by historical choices. The evolution of international society from the initial state of "everyone's war against everyone" to today's relatively civilized state is the inevitable result of historical progress. [20] For emerging powers that are in the process of rising, they not only need to enhance their own strength, but also introduce new norms to the international community in the field of international relations and lead the international relations of the era towards civilization and progress. If they can do this, the country Will gain moral support. At any time, the rise of emerging powers, especially the leading countries that usher in a new international era, is inseparable from the support of moral power, and this kind of moral power is ahead of its time.
   During the Monroe period, the mainstream international political system was the autocratic monarchy system, the norms of international relations were balance of power politics based on the balance of power, and the colonial system prevailed. A rising power in such an era must abide by the existing norms of international civilization and push the existing international civilization forward. The democratic republican system of the United States injects new choices into the international community and represents the development direction of that era. As mentioned above, this is a major advantage of American diplomacy. "The United States has never participated in the balance of power system in its history." [21] The Monroe Declaration contained a rejection of the balance of power system. When the great powers were busy struggling for power, the United States temporarily stayed out of it, which was a transcendence of the prevailing international relations norms at the time. The Monroe Doctrine put forward "non-colonial principles" and adapted to the trend of Latin American countries seeking independence. To a certain extent, it played a role in preventing the restoration of colonialism in Latin America. It won the recognition of independent countries in Latin America and was generally popular in Latin America at that time. The welcome was a progress in international relations of that era. The "non-expansion principle" and "non-interference principle" also had a great impact on other powers who were accustomed to expansion and intervention at that time. That's why the conservative Metternich cursed the Monroe Declaration as "an evil doctrine and a dangerous example." . During the Monroe era, the Monroe Declaration represented the progressive direction of civilization in international relations to a certain extent, and the invisible power of morality played a role in making up for the lack of U.S. strength.
  It is undeniable that the Monroe Doctrine itself contained the United States’ ambition to control Latin America. In the subsequent history, the Monroe Doctrine was continuously expanded by American expansionists and developed into the basis of American expansionism. Pretense. Measured by today's standards of international civilization, it is desirable and necessary to condemn the norms of international relations it represents. This is precisely why the Monroe Doctrine cannot be affirmed.
  Note:
  [1] Dexter Perkins, A History of the Monroe Doctrine, Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1963, pp55-56.
  [2] Ibid, p57.
  [3] [US] S. F. Bemis: "A History of American Diplomacy", Beijing, The Commercial Press, 1985 edition , page 228.
  [4] [US] Samuel Elliott Morrison and others: "The Growth of the American Republic" Volume 1, Tianjin People's Publishing House, 1980 edition, page 533.
  [5] [English] C.W. Crowley et al., eds.: "New Cambridge History: War and Peace in Troubled Times: 1793--1830", Beijing, China Social Sciences Publishing House Society, 1999 edition, page 850.
  [6] Unable to obtain accurate data on the economy of the United States and the great powers at that time, we can roughly estimate it based on the data in Paul Kennedy's work. See [US] Paul Kennedy: "The Rise and Fall of Great Powers", Beijing, Qiushi Press, 1988 edition, page 181, Table 6.
  [7] [US] Alan Millett, Peter Masloskin: "American Military History", Beijing, Military Science Press, 1989 edition, page 120.
  [8] Xu Shicheng: "History of Relations between the United States and Latin America", Beijing, Social Sciences Literature Press, 1995 edition, page 30.
  [9] Ernest R. May, The Making of the Monroe Doctrine, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1975, p198.
  [10] Wang Shengzu: "History of International Relations: 1814-1871" Volume 2, Beijing, World Knowledge Press, 1993 edition, pp. 63-64.
  [11] See Shi Yinhong: "International Politics--Theoretical Inquiry·Historical Introduction·Strategic Thinking", Beijing, Contemporary World Press, 2002 edition, pp. 633-634.
  [12] Dexter Perkins, A History of the Monroe Doctrine, Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1963, p46.
  [13] Kundanila Said: "Pan-Americanism was really originally a Latin American thing. Like 'American Congress', 'Congress of Nations', 'General Federation', 'General Congress', 'Grand Federation', 'Perpetual Alliance and Confederation', 'American League', 'World's Largest Nation' (referring to all of America terms), 'American Convention', 'Federation of Good Faith', 'True American Union', 'Group of Sister Countries' and Bolivar's 'Permanent Alliance', 'Union and Federation' and other names in Latin America in the early nineteenth century It is everywhere in the political vocabulary. "See [US] William Foster: "Outline of the Political History of the Americas", Beijing, Joint Publishing House, 1956 edition, page 331.
  [14] Ernest R. May, The Making of the Monroe Doctrine, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1975, preface.
  [15] Dexter Perkins , A History of the Monroe Doctrine, Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1963, p54.
  [16] [US] George Washington: "Farewell Address", in Wang Jianhua and Jiang Rongjun: " The Essence of Speeches by World Celebrities", Nanchang, Jiangxi People's Publishing House, 1995 edition, page 126.
  [17] Ernest R. May, The Making of the Monroe Doctrine, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1925, p202.
  [18] Dexter Perkins , A History of the Monroe Doctrine, Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1963, pp54-55. Text in brackets is added by the author.
  [19] Quoted from Dexter Perkins, A History of the Monroe Doctrine, Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1963, Foreword.
  [20] See My article: "The View of a Responsible Great Power", published in "World Economy and Politics", Issue 10, 2002, Page 72.
  [21] [US] Henry Kissinger: "Grand Diplomacy", Haikou, Hainan Publishing House, 1998 edition, page 6.

Samuel Eliot Morrison, "The Revenge of Pearl Harbor by the 942 Americans who bombed Tokyo" txt download and read the full text online...Picture 3

When Columbus discovered the New World in North America


Columbus's first voyage fleet consisted of three sailing ships: the Ninha, the Pinta and the flagship Santa Maria. The Niña (Ni�0�9a, also translated as the Nina) was a caravel in the fleet and became the flagship of Columbus's first voyage after the Santa Maria ran aground. It was originally equipped with a three-masted triangular sail. Later, after arriving in Gran Canaria, it was modified to carry a square sail in order to cope with the long voyage. After modification, it became the most agile sailing ship in the fleet, and its rigging became the most popular rigging among the Spanish caravels that later sailed across the Atlantic. "Ninha" originally means "girl" in Spanish, but it was just a fancy name given by sailors. The original name of the Ninha was Santa Clara. Among the three ships in Columbus's first voyage to the Americas, the Ninha was the only one without a record of carrying capacity. According to Morrison's research, the Ninian's tonnage was approximately 60 tons, which was 5 tons heavier than the normal capacity of a caravel (55 tons). However, the tonnage in 1492 only reflected the number of barrels of wine that the ship could carry. It was not a constant but a variable number. There should be no doubt that the Ninja was a caravel, because Columbus repeatedly mentioned the Ninha as la Carabela or las carabelas (three-masted caravels) in his "Logbook". The traditional ratio of ship structure is approximately beam: keel length: ship length = 1:2:3. However, no record of the Ninja in this regard has survived to this day. According to Morrison's estimation, the Ninja's overall length was 70 feet, with a 50-foot keel and a 23-foot beam. The Pinta was one of the three ships in Columbus's first voyage to America. The Pinta is made locally in Palos, Spain. The owner of the Pinta was Cristóbal Quintero of Palos, who also participated in Columbus's voyage to the Americas as a crew member. After the Pinta completed its voyage to discover America, it disappeared from historical records. There is currently no record of the tonnage and size of the Pinta. According to speculation by American scholar Samuel Morrison, the tonnage is estimated to be 55 tons. The traditional ratio of ship structure is approximately beam: keel length: ship length = 1:2:3. According to Morrison's estimation, the Pinta's overall length was 73-75 feet, with a beam of 25 feet and a cabin depth of 11 feet. The Santa Maria was the flagship of the three ships of Columbus's first voyage to the Americas from 1492 to 1493. The Santa Maria was a schooner, not a caravel. On August 3, 1492 (Friday), Columbus became the captain of the Santa Maria, and used the Santa Maria as the flagship of the maiden fleet, which officially set sail in Spain. On December 25, the Santa Maria ran aground near Hispaniola and soon broke apart. Columbus was eventually forced to abandon the ship and use the Ninja as his flagship. As for the reason why the Santa Maria broke apart, scholars attribute it to the fact that its northern builders mistakenly added iron nails, which caused abnormal stress on the hull and made it unable to undertake long-distance voyages. There are no historical records of the Santa Maria's tonnage and dimensions. Because Columbus repeatedly called it la nao (ship) in his "Logbook" instead of la Carabela or las carabelas (three-masted light sailing ship), it is generally estimated that it is older than the Ninia and the Peace Tower, which sailed together. Big, round and chunky. Samuel Eliot Morison estimated its tonnage at no more than 100 tons.

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